Making sense of Davos

When the World Eco­nomic Forum pub­lishes a well-researched report on global gender gaps, sus­tain­able con­sump­tion, water secur­ity or com­pet­it­ive­ness, it fuels global debate. When it gath­ers its Mem­bers from the busi­ness world with oth­ers from a broad swathe of soci­ety (aca­dem­ics, artists, politi­cians, human rights cam­paign­ers, trade uni­on­ists, envir­on­ment­al­ists and more), it becomes either the sin­is­ter archi­tect of a global con­spir­acy or the con­vener of a point­less gab­fest: Weltver­schwörung or waffle.

So what is the Forum? I can’t pre­tend to give you the defin­it­ive answer, but I can tell you how I make sense of it, hav­ing spent my work­ing life in tele­vi­sion news and higher education. It might be help­ful to start by say­ing what it isn’t.

It is not a lob­by­ing or advocacy group. The world’s biggest com­pan­ies have little dif­fi­culty in secur­ing private meet­ings with whom­so­ever they choose. Politi­cians have good reas­ons to meet with com­pan­ies who might be employ­ers, and fin­an­ci­ers who might be investors. Trade asso­ci­ations, employ­ers’ groups and national cham­bers of com­merce all host such meet­ings and cam­paign on behalf of their mem­bers. This is not the role of the World Eco­nomic Forum.

It is not a net­work­ing asso­ci­ation. The Brit­ish prime minister’s coun­try res­id­ence at Chequers has long played host to eclectic gath­er­ings where journ­al­ists, bankers and celebrit­ies are encour­aged to rub shoulders. Doubt­less there are inter­est­ing con­ver­sa­tions over the marmalade, but that’s not the role of the World Eco­nomic Forum either.

So, what is the Forum’s reason for being? There is a Ger­man part to the explan­a­tion and a Swiss part. For the Ger­man part, you have to step back to the coun­try post-World War 2: des­troyed by extreme nation­al­ism; divided by com­mun­ism; its West­ern lead­ers seek­ing to rebuild their industry on a model that could also rebuild their society.

That pro­cess meant re-imagining indus­trial polit­ics. At its heart was the idea that busi­ness did not exist simply to serve share­hold­ers. Instead, an enter­prise should recog­nize its place within a con­stel­la­tion that includes employ­ees, sup­pli­ers, con­sumers, neigh­bours and bey­ond – its “stake­hold­ers”. For a firm to be account­able only to share­hold­ers was too nar­row. Cor­por­a­tions needed to embrace their broader respons­ib­il­it­ies as social, polit­ical, intel­lec­tual, cul­tural and even artistic or spir­itual act­ors. And under­stand­ing those respons­ib­il­it­ies required interaction.

The idea doesn’t have an easy Eng­lish label, and it is hardly in com­mon cur­rency. The Forum calls it the “multistake­holder” prin­ciple, and that prin­ciple extra­pol­ated to a global level is what gath­ers Mem­bers of the World Eco­nomic Forum with other global stakeholders.

The World Eco­nomic Forum has one simple motiv­a­tion in bring­ing people together – “con­ven­ing” in the jar­gon of inter­na­tional organ­iz­a­tions. It believes that its Mem­bers can only truly under­stand their interests by encoun­ter­ing the interests of others.

Then there is the Swiss part: par­ti­cip­a­tion. Per­haps it reflects the tra­di­tion of moun­tain com­munit­ies that respons­ib­il­ity be shared, that every view must be integ­rated, that one can­not simply abrog­ate one’s mem­ber­ship in a com­munity. It is an old idea. It was prob­ably old when it was artic­u­lated by one of Geneva’s most fam­ous sons, the polit­ical philo­sopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau. For the Swiss, it is a prin­ciple of their demo­cracy – the Konkord­anz­sys­tem.

That demo­cracy at fed­eral, can­tonal and town level is con­sul­ted in the pre­par­a­tions for the Forum’s Annual Meet­ing in Davos. Davos is an independently-minded moun­tain com­munity, steeped in Switzerland’s dir­ect demo­cratic tra­di­tion. Its alti­tude and an enter­pris­ing doc­tor, Alex­an­der Spen­gler, made it a des­tin­a­tion for well-heeled tuber­cu­losis suf­fer­ers. Thomas Mann set his com­edy of ennerv­a­tion, The Magic Moun­tain, in one of its san­at­oria. Albert Ein­stein helped kick-start its repu­ta­tion as an intel­lec­tual retreat (video).

Davos today is a work­ing alpine town. The town’s tour­ism is a func­tional con­trast to the chocol­ate box world of Vil­lars, Zer­matt and St Mor­itz. The Forum’s Annual Meet­ing boosts the local eco­nomy, but not its winter sports. Barely one-fifth of those par­ti­cip­at­ing can be accom­mod­ated in a five-star hotel. The local ski-lift com­pany has con­tem­plated shut­ting the lifts dur­ing the Meet­ing. When I’m there, as a mem­ber of the Forum, I sleep on a single bed and share a bath­room. Hard­ship? Not really, but it is work.

And that suits the Forum, because it deals with the world as it is, not as it would prefer it to be. It is not a decision-making body. Nor is it a con­spir­acy in which the horo­lo­gical com­pon­ents of global gov­ernance and industry are wound together to frus­trate the rest of the world.

For the busi­nesses and organ­iz­a­tions and indi­vidu­als who come together in Davos, the oppor­tun­ity simply to meet with one another, to think out­side their usual entour­age of attend­ant coun­sel and advisers, and to have no pre­de­ter­mined out­come assigned to every encounter is both a relief and an opportunity. It brings together com­pet­it­ors and col­leagues, prot­ag­on­ists and ant­ag­on­ists, the well respec­ted and the heart­ily reviled, without requir­ing all who enter to adhere to its pre­cepts or accept its principles.

It is an incre­ment­al­ist organ­iz­a­tion. It moves slowly, and a diverse fund­ing base means that it is not a host­age to any interest. Much nego­ti­ation and plan­ning is required simply to arrive at a con­sensus around which debate can take place. But when that con­sensus is achieved, move­ment can be profound.

Fabi­ans would recog­nize the bene­fits of a plat­form from which Nel­son Man­dela could announce his eco­nomic policy for the post-apartheid era in South Africa. It can inspire extraordin­ary acts of phil­an­thropy, like those of Bill and Melinda Gates. It can provide a global micro­phone to someone like Aung San Suu Kyi. Like any plat­form, its power comes from the people who stand upon it, and their power in turn derives from the strength of their organ­iz­a­tions, their office or their ideas.

At any gath­er­ing of the power­ful, most often power remains frus­trat­ingly unwiel­ded. Swords stay planted in stones. And so there is frus­tra­tion. Why doesn’t the Forum DO some­thing? Why does it take in coun­try X, leader Y? Why does it nudge gently rather than poke aggress­ively? How can it let things stay the same?

Every­one who works for a com­plex organ­iz­a­tion makes com­prom­ises. Some­times those com­prom­ises come off, and the reward is pro­gress. Some­times they don’t. Encour­aging power to accept respons­ib­il­ity can be a cover for expedi­ency, but it can also prompt change. Organ­iz­a­tional cul­tures are self-reinforcing. If enough people within an organ­iz­a­tion judge their own con­tri­bu­tion by its mis­sion “to improve the state of the world”, it puts a value to their work and gives them meaning.

The world remains a com­plex and dys­func­tional place. Yet it is a big­ger and bet­ter place than the world I grew up in, in the world’s first indus­trial eco­nomy. In the early 1970s, women like my grand­mother wore head­scarves to go to mar­ket; heat and water came from coal scraped from scuttles; and a job meant simply work for men – labour that was fuelled by tinned food and for­got­ten with weak beer, the wire­less and the foot­ball pools. And this life was the best on offer for the most-favoured mil­lions. This was the world in which the Forum was created.

I am con­vinced that eco­nomic pro­gress can drive social and polit­ical pro­gress. Later this month, the World Eco­nomic Forum, under the rub­ric of the theme of its Annual Meet­ing – The Great Trans­form­a­tion: Shap­ing New Mod­els – will ask par­ti­cipants in Davos to think again about how the world works. The Forum too recog­nizes that even its own model needs to be ques­tioned. Often and regularly.

Cross­pos­ted from Forum:Blog.

Losing control of a TV discussion: a masterclass

When Jeremy Pax­man engages, he is an excel­lent presenter. When he is bored…not so much. The clip below shows what hap­pens when News­night attempts to recre­ate the kind of boor­ish con­ver­sa­tion that would not have passed for debate in ye olde Eng­lish pub of thirty years ago.

By using con­tro­ver­sial­ists like Oborne, and an ex-journalist Lam­bert, as a proxy for opin­ion, the pro­gramme does no one a service.

Instead of being edgy and inform­at­ive, Oborne is allowed to simply hijack the stu­dio floor.

A prop­erly briefed Pax­man could have taken on a real offi­cial forensic­ally — and actu­ally “held someone to account”. Isn’t that what News­night was sup­posed to do?

Instead Pax­man is asked to ring­mas­ter a largely power­less array of opin­ion ped­dlers. Mean­while, if you’ve never seen a snake charmer bit­ten by a cobra…

 

Creative destruction

When we fol­low through the his­tory of par­tic­u­lar indus­tries and see new skills arise as old ones decline, it is pos­sible to for­get that the old skill and the new almost always were the per­quis­ite of dif­fer­ent people… Even where an old skill was replaced by a new pro­cess requir­ing equal or greater skill, we rarely find the same work­ers trans­ferred from one to another… The rewards of the “march of pro­gress” always seemed to be gathered by someone else.

E.P. Thompson, The Mak­ing of the Eng­lish Work­ing Class

More than thirty years have passed since my father was vis­ited by the first of sev­eral stretches of unem­ploy­ment that were to haunt his life, and the lives of those who loved him.

He was a trav­el­ling tim­ber sales­man — the Willy Loman of a work­shop world that still ran on thick and tight-grained boards, fra­gile and exotic ven­eers, the seasoned planks and beams that were his stock in trade.

Self-educated, his book­shelf held the nov­els of Alistair McLean and Isaac Asimov along­side Vance Pack­ard’s The Hid­den Per­suaders, J.A.C. Brown’s Tech­niques of Per­sua­sion, Dale Carnegie’s How To Win Friends and Influ­ence People.

His psy­cho­logy of selling would be shared with me on long drives between boat yards and build­ing sites, the work­shops of the cus­tom­ers for whom he was also listener and entertainer.

But changes in the psy­cho­logy of selling did not des­troy his live­li­hood. The makers of repro­duc­tion fur­niture fol­ded. Fibre­glass replaced well-varnished tim­bers in the boat­yards. The eco­nom­ics of busi­ness con­sol­id­a­tion elim­in­ated the need for com­pet­ing sales teams. Tech­no­logy, com­pet­i­tion, and demo­graphy made him redundant.

My father’s exper­i­ence of unem­ploy­ment in the early 1980s was hardly unique, but it was singular.

Laid off tim­ber reps were not heroic enough to myth­o­lo­gised as labour­ers, nor skilled enough to write their own legend and embalm their mis­for­tune with sen­ti­ment­al­ity and social significance.

But when we talk about the cre­at­ive destruc­tion of cre­at­ive indus­tries like journ­al­ism, there is a human cost, and — like my father — it’s lonely and eas­ily forgotten.

Can you trust the author?

Appar­ently not. And I owe Stephen Bates an apology.

Mr. Monck,

I just pur­chased a copy of your book Can You Trust the Media? I found your dis­cus­sion of the 1940s Hutchins Com­mis­sion on Free­dom of the Press on p. 165 par­tic­u­larly inter­est­ing. You write:

The report, A Free and Respons­ible Press, was pub­lished in 1947 and was an astute, artic­u­late and impas­sioned indict­ment of the mass media. It asser­ted that the press is free for the pur­pose of serving demo­cracy and that a press that shirks its demo­cratic duties will lose its free­dom. The report calls on the press to improve itself in the name of mor­al­ity, demo­cracy and self-preservation.… Over the half-century since Hutchins, the report has shaped aca­demic think­ing about journ­al­ism, but the prac­tice of journ­al­ism car­ries on untouched. A flawed suc­cess as an ana­lysis, A Free and Respons­ible Press has proved, as a call to action, a mag­ni­fi­cent failure.”

In my 1995 mono­graph on the Hutchins Com­mis­sion, pub­lished by North­west­ern University’s Annen­berg Wash­ing­ton Pro­gram and avail­able online, I wrote:

A Free and Respons­ible Press offers an astute, lit­er­ate, and impas­sioned indict­ment of the nation’s mass media. The 133-page report con­tends that the press is free for the pur­pose of serving demo­cracy; a press that shirks its demo­cratic duties will lose its free­dom. The report calls on the press to improve itself in the name of mor­al­ity, demo­cracy, and self-preservation.… Over the half-century since, the report has appre­ciably influ­enced aca­demic think­ing about journ­al­ism, but not journ­al­ism itself. A flawed suc­cess as an ana­lysis, A Free and Respons­ible Press has proved, as a call to action, a mag­ni­fi­cent failure.”

Any com­ments?

Stephen Bates

Yup. It should be a quote. Simple as that. Instead it’s an attempt, not even com­pleted, to rewrite some­thing that someone else had suc­cinctly expressed. Lazy and dumb. In the pro­cess of shuff­ling text between Sydney and Lon­don without exer­cising due care and atten­tion I reck­lessly trampled on Stephen Bates’ work.

His ori­ginal piece is here:

http://www.annenberg.northwestern.edu/pubs/hutchins/hutch01.htm

The Hutchins Com­mis­sion Report is here: http://www.archive.org/stream/freeandresponsib029216mbp#page/n17/mode/2up

News of the World: victim and villain in the poisonous communication of public service

Most aspects of the News of the World’s demise have been picked over. But this is not, for all the head­lines, a scan­dal of journ­al­ism, or pro­pri­et­ors, or mer­gers and acquis­i­tions. Journ­al­ists are journ­al­ists, pro­pri­et­ors are busi­ness­men and deals are what they do. This is a scan­dal of pub­lic ser­vice and pub­lic information.

The most ser­i­ous aspect of this inquiry is what it says about the Brit­ish police ser­vice, its cul­ture of col­lu­sion and media “rela­tion­ship management”.

Con­sider this line on Dick Fedorcio, the Met’s head of media rela­tions, bur­ied in a Nick Dav­ies report about attempts allegedly linked to the News of the World to intim­id­ate a senior police officer:

Scot­land Yard took no fur­ther action, appar­ently reflect­ing the desire of Fedorcio, who has had a close work­ing rela­tion­ship with Brooks, to avoid unne­ces­sary fric­tion with the News of the World.

Note the “close work­ing relationship”.

This scan­dal of goes bey­ond people like the police, of course, to White­hall and its mar­ket­ing of pub­lic service.

The toxic inter­de­pend­en­cies which these “rela­tion­ships” foster could eas­ily have been bypassed at any time by gov­ern­ments brave or determ­ined enough to address the issue of how the pub­lic should be informed of what is done in its name and on its taxes. In the case of the Met — Boris John­son take note.

Instead gov­ern­ment, and local gov­ern­ment, press offices have out­grown news­rooms. Com­mu­nic­a­tion is not on the basis of inform­a­tion but on ‘quid pro quos’. It is the cul­ture of embed, access and favour.

Let’s have a debate that goes bey­ond it, and that asks how we can put inform­a­tion pro­vi­sion and not spin con­trol at the heart of pub­lic ser­vice. Ed Miliband claims the pub­lic want a “frank, free and fear­less press”. Let the pub­lic sort the press out.

If politi­cians sor­ted out the way pub­lic bod­ies com­mu­nic­ated they might reduce the incent­ives for journ­al­ists to pay pub­lic ser­vants for inform­a­tion and the trad­ing in what is effect­ively “inside information”.

In the mean­time let us hear from the likes of Mr Fedorcio on his rela­tion­ships, and how he man­ages them. In the interests of pub­lic service.

 

 

 

Education by evensong

Noth­ing enshrines so com­pletely the idea of decline as an Eng­lish cathed­ral. Mil­len­nial in age, monu­mental in scale, metic­u­lous in dec­or­a­tion, the cathed­ral is ded­ic­ated to a medi­eval deity. A god of build­ings, wor­shipped through spires and fly­ing but­tresses and arches, feared through plaster paint­ings of dev­ils and awed in roof bosses carved with angels and apostles. A god built by masons and mor­tar. A god now gone.

Meso­pot­amian zig­gur­ats and Mayan pyr­am­ids may have been aban­doned to jungle and desert but the church and the Eng­lish county town allowed cathed­rals their con­tinu­ance. There were no longer cowls in the cloisters, nave walls were scrubbed of paint, brasses lif­ted from the fam­ily tombs, and now dead dukes and earls interred them­selves by pref­er­ence in chapels on their grand estates.

But the church, like ivy, covered up the ambu­lat­ory and tran­septs, its ritual curled along the grave stone pav­ing, up to the great wooden doors that would no longer open to a crowd.

Into the mouth of this god­less cav­ern, divorced from its estates, its wealth, and its power, I came, aged six years old, clutch­ing my father’s hand. Together we walked alone to the song school, down the dark arcade sep­ar­ated from the nave by the worn black tombs of bish­ops. How like an Angel came I down! How bright are all things here! When first among His works I did appear. O how their glory me did crown!

The church wanted unhappy little boys to sing for god and, in return, it would edu­cate them. My father did not real­ize that I was Isaac in this bar­gain. God provided no altern­at­ives. Closer than my hand, he held his own unhap­pi­ness and dis­ap­point­ment. And what, after all, do little boys know of sacrifice?

Bul­ly­ing was worn with the same resig­na­tion as the sur­plice and the ruff. The kick and the rab­bit punch on blind corners in pro­ces­sion, the swinging of the heavy sil­ver medals of choral office ensured that the very young­est would arrive swal­low­ing their tears, swear­ing dur­ing the gos­pel read­ing to carry for­ward the pun­ish­ment to the next arrivals. Bul­ly­ing was only the back­ground noise of boy­hood, the 32′ pipe in our incess­ant, futile fugue.

This was my edu­ca­tion: to stand in a build­ing aban­doned by its ideo­logy, kept alive by shadow priests and shadow con­greg­a­tions, and wonder.

ALMIGHTY God we con­fess that we have sinned against Thee and against our fel­low men, in thought and word and deed, in the evil we have done and in the good we have not done, through ignor­ance, through weak­ness, through our own delib­er­ate fault.

The good we have not done.” Every good act pre­cluded a host of bet­ter acts. Even to con­tem­plate the order of actions and their good­ness was to risk being plunged into a cycle of eval­u­ation and pro­cras­tin­a­tion: the oppor­tun­ity cost of good­ness. The impossib­il­ity of good­ness. The require­ment for worship.

We knew the psalms by length and dreaded day 15. The longest. Every prayer, every liturgy, every les­son passed before us. Lent. Easter. Whit­sun. Pente­cost. The long weeks of Trin­ity. Advent. Christ­mas. Epi­phany. Saints days and Sundays.

For an hour each even­ing, any­one with a mind to could have come to listen to the anthemic coun­ter­point of Palestrina or Byrd, or the mags and nuncs from England’s age of empire — Stan­ford in G, Bair­stow in D, Sum­sion in A.

But in the even­ings, nobody came. The green-bound, fine-leaved pages of the Eng­lish Hym­nal were left unthumbed. The kneel­ers — boldly pat­terned and strongly stitched — were unneeded. We sang for a few small mat­rons in sens­ible shoes who strode to their sta­tions. They posi­tioned them­selves like chess pieces, Staunton queens, always leav­ing enough space between to avoid capture.

The choir filled the stalls, dec and can. We would still have been obliged to sing for no one. These were the rites. Our songs were the sands engulf­ing the colossal wreck. Noth­ing beside remained.

This then was my edu­ca­tion, con­scrip­ted into choral ser­vitude, to serve a church that clung to a build­ing whose stone tri­forium dwarfed its influ­ence, and mocked its min­istry. The cur­riculum was decline: the sud­den end­ing of a high ascent; pro­gress and its reversal. The les­sons were in drowned poly­phony; the ines­cap­able pun­ish­ment of being made to be present, to prac­tise and per­form and wit­ness every night the same. I am poured out like water. My country.